Friday, December 27, 2019

Postmodernism Versace - 1781 Words

Postmodernism Versace Introduction The passageway of modernism has introduced innovative components in the development of an individuals personality. The identity character as a social construct is highlighted through the effect that fashion has brought in, experimenting, producing and changing individual identity. The style and appearance of an individual is a portion of the fashions period and usually refers to the possibility of people to utilize fashion industry products. This takes place just like any other consumer good that can be modified with respect to the prevalent societal codes. The modifications can be made either through surpassing or through copying them. Modern fashions are part of postmodernism. This is in the view of the fact that developments and growth in the fashion industry accompany and express development of the society through embracing postmodernism. Developments in the fashion industry offer options regarding styles, image and clothing through rejecting the options presented in modernism. This paper discusses Versace designs and their relationship to postmodernism. Postmodernism Postmodernism refers to a broad term used to explain movements in philosophy, art, music and critical theory. Postmodernism is viewed as a reaction to the pioneering modernist movement. In literature and art, postmodernism responds against classical ideas. With respect to post-structuralism and structuralism, there is a great difference between postmodernism

Thursday, December 19, 2019

Musical Analysis on Pirates of the Caribbean Dead Mans...

Pirates of the Caribbean: Dead Man’s Chest was directed by Gore Verbinski and the music was composed by Hans Zimmer. Hans Zimmer is one of the most sought after film composers. He does an amazing job creating the score for this swashbuckling adventure. The movie begins with the interrupted marriage of William Turner and Elizabeth Swann. The music’s first role in this movie is to reflect emotion. In the opening scene, Elizabeth is kneeling at the altar where her wedding should have taken place. Rain is falling all around her and she is alone. Violins are playing a sad, slow melody. The viewer realizes that something awful has happened. Deeper strings start to play a fast marching beat and a male choir begins to sing. This signifies that†¦show more content†¦A male choir also sings frequently. The beat gives three counts, and it gives the viewer a very uneasy feeling. Random sustained notes are also played with the cello to create a sense of suspense and nervousn ess. The pipe organ is also sometimes source music while on the ship. Davy Jones frequently plays a menacing looking pipe organ while his crew is slaving on deck. Elizabeth is not the type of girl that will sit around and wait for William to come and save her. Her father breaks her out of prison, and Elizabeth begins searching for Jack Sparrow and his compass. Elizabeth Swann finds her way to a bar in Tortuga, where she meets up with Jack Sparrow. This scene involves implied source music. Although the source of the music being heard on the screen is not seen, the viewer realizes that the music is being played in the bar. The tune is a fast, crazy tune that is played with an accordion and a fiddle. Accordions and fiddles are typical instruments that one would see in this type of saloon. Elizabeth also runs into an old friend at the bar, Commodore Norrington. Norrington wants to kill Jack Sparrow for making him lose his job. This leads to a bar fight. The source music gets louder and crazier during the fight. The fight is very wild and a lot of things are going on at one time. The music helps to add to the outrageous chaos. The special thing about Jack Sparrow’s compass is that it points to the thing that the person holdingShow MoreRelatedRastafarian79520 Words   |  319 PagesJamaicans regard as their cultural contribution to the world. Later I will return to these issues and will demonstrate how they contribute to the routinization of Rastafari in Jamaica. The nature of this book dictates a heavy reliance on documentary analysis. My focus is interpretation not ethnography. Therefore, I have not sought to generate primary data on the movement but to analyze and re-analyze the growing body of scholarly and popular literature on the movement, including sociological and anthropological

Wednesday, December 11, 2019

Respiratory Acidosis Successful management of Drug-induced

Question: Describe about the Respiratory Acidosis for Successful management of Drug-induced. Answer: Respiratory Acidosis The various treatments available for respiratory acidosis are Non-invasive positive-pressure ventilation (CPAP or BiPAP), consuming bronchodilator drugs to reverse the airway obstruction. Direct breathing assistance is provided to the patient in case of acute respiratory acidosis. In severe cases, mechanical breathing assistance is provided by inserting tube in the airway (Agrafiotis et al., 2015). Apart from smoking, the other condition that leads to respiratory acidosis is severe obesity that restricts the expansion of the lungs (Parsons, 2016). References Agrafiotis, M., Tryfon, S., Siopi, D., Chassapidou, G., Galanou, A., Tsara, V. (2015). Successful management of drug-induced hypercapnic acidosis with naloxone and noninvasive positive pressure ventilation.The American journal of emergency medicine,33(2), 312-e3. Parsons, D. (2016). Causes of hypoventilation and respiratory acidosis.Arterial Blood Gas InterpretationA case study approach.

Tuesday, December 3, 2019

Original Assignment free essay sample

Are drug companies that test experimental drugs in foreign countries acting ethically? To answer this question, it is worth looking at why a drug company would experiment in a foreign country before even examining the negative impacts in doing so. Testing drugs internationally is done because it is cheaper and far easier to endanger trial patients in a foreign country. Now when exploring the reasons for the need to test at all, an act utilitarian may surmise that because these tests are inevitably targeted toward benefitting the greater good, the drug companies are justified in doing what is necessary to successfully conduct experimentation. However, what the act utilitarian may neglect to realize is that these trials are being farmed overseas to circumvent regulations barring the ability to do so domestically, which would enable the rule utilitarian to arbitrate the idea less favorably. (Shaw Berry, 2013). In the last decade, US Pharmaceutical companies have pushed trialing out to Malaysia where there is a strong likelihood for poor enforceability of the already weak regulations. We will write a custom essay sample on Original Assignment or any similar topic specifically for you Do Not WasteYour Time HIRE WRITER Only 13.90 / page Additionally, this trend of outsourcing clinical trials notoriously exploits those in need of treatment or money, and in a country where the US dollar is worth over 300% more than the Malaysian ringgit, morally reprehensible behavior in conducting these trials is almost inevitable. (Netto, 2007) (XE, 2013) Is American Industry at too much risk of lawsuits to remain competitive? Should companies trying to develop drugs be given immunity from lawsuits? American industry is always at risk of lawsuits as over time they have developed as a check/balance for safe, legal and ethical behavior. The specificities in the development of a law may leave exploitable loop-holes and means by which seemingly legal circumvention can take place while still remaining within the confines of legality, though not necessarily morality. If a pharmaceutical company was to be immune from legal recourse in the form of lawsuits, they would be free to market potentially harmful drugs. Understandably there is always the inherent risk of using a drug and the effects therein; however it should be among the drug company’s primary objectives to ensure that it generally does more good than harm. The idea is Rawlsian in nature in that it requires the drug company to imagine a circumstance where they may be the unknowing consumer of a potentially dangerous drug. (Shaw Berry, 2013). Is it ethical for companies to decline to sell a useful drug because they can make more money marketing drugs that are more widely needed? Is it ethical for companies to decline to sell a useful drug in a foreign country because they can make more money marketing the drug elsewhere? With regard to declining the sale of a useful drug over a drug more widely needed is a side effect of the free market and not necessarily unethical. If a company can subsist more so by marketing a widely needed drug versus a niche drug that may be useful but not necessarily in high demand, they are simply exercising their right to survive as an organization. Libertarian in nature, the idea of the free market is that a company is granted the ability to profit so long as it falls within the legal guidelines of the country it operates within. Because the company neglects to produce one or a series of drugs, it opens up a supply gap for another company to fill and thus profit in their own way. In this regard, the fluidity of the free market may absolve the company of any accusations of ethical shortcomings. Similarly, declining marketing a drug in a foreign country because it would prove more profitably elsewhere relies on the balance of the free market, however the intent seems far less ethical as it presents itself as more of a scheme for profit maximization, where it isn’t monetary necessity driving the decision, its profiteering. (Shaw Berry, 2013).

Wednesday, November 27, 2019

Brandstorm L oreal Essay Example

Brandstorm L oreal Paper In the travel industry it doesnt matter which language you speak, which traditions and cultural habits are appropriate or whether it is AM or PM. This industry seems to have its own culture, rules, traditions and inhabitants. LOreal calls the Travel retail market the 6th continent in the world. A borderless continent with its own economy (duty free shops which are ours open), its own capitals: top airports (e. G. Dublin, London Heathers, Hong Kong, Paris Rosins) and its own inhabitants (1 billion): the global shopper/ international traveler: families and business people. Nowadays, shopping has converted into determinant factor while traveling and in some cases a component of choosing a travel destination or the prime motivation to travel. The Economist even talks about the golden hour whenever a passenger steps through the security scanner into the world of travel retail. Travel retail has been growing at about 12 percent in the past few years (LOreal resource pack). A similar growth is expected in the next two to three years, putting it at double the growth rate for the luxury goods market, said Luck Cola, head of luxury goods research at financial services firm Examine BAN Paris. We will write a custom essay sample on Brandstorm L oreal specifically for you for only $16.38 $13.9/page Order now We will write a custom essay sample on Brandstorm L oreal specifically for you FOR ONLY $16.38 $13.9/page Hire Writer We will write a custom essay sample on Brandstorm L oreal specifically for you FOR ONLY $16.38 $13.9/page Hire Writer Based on these developments Jean-Pula Agony, Chairman and CEO of LOreal Group, sees opportunities for LOreal in the retail travel industry. According to him is Travel retail a key channel for winning over one billion new consumers. This brand development plan aims to explore the opportunities for one of LOreal luxury brands: Lana ¶me, in the travel industry. The first part of this paper focuses on two core pillars; (1) the brand Lana ¶me and (2) the travel retail market. We will first define the segment, target group and positioning (STEP) of Lana ¶me. Additionally we will identify the core associations, strategy and challenges the brand Lana ¶me is facing. Furthermore, in we will identify the market of the travel industry by a racket analysis. Thereafter we will define the role of retail in the travel retail industry. Then we will dive into the competition for Lana ¶me within the travel retail industry by doing a Porter five forces analysis. We will also provide a customer analysis containing the needs and characteristics of the customers/ travelers within the travel retail market. Concluding, we will provide a full SOOT analysis for Lana ¶me in the travel industry and zoom into the opportunities for Lana ¶me in the travel retail industry by proposing an Innovative travel retail service. The second part of this paper consist of our innovative idea and introduces the sub-brand Lana ¶me Travel. We will pitch this innovative experience by addressing whom We see as our potential consumers and how we attract them to our service/experience at the airport. In addition we will provide the strategy, the positioning, the marketing communication initiatives and the brand elements for Lana ¶me I Travel. At the end, a sales pitch about our Lana ¶me I Travel will wrap up our thoughts. Our analysis, and content is based on a self-conducted survey (appendix 4) (N=65) where both free association about the brand Lana ¶me as questions on liker scale about shopping behavior, competitors and brand value are questioned. In this paper we refer to our self-conducted survey as: (Survey Lana ¶me, 2015). In addition to this survey we have used academic and non- academic articles, Rogers and Jorge survey referred as (Labile, 201 5) and the articles in the LOreal brainstorm package. Enjoy reading! 2. Lana ¶me This year, LOreal is celebrating 80 years of beauty with THE brand of women: Lana ¶me. Amanda Patient founded Lana ¶me in 1935, as a fragrance house. The name Lana ¶me comes from a small chateau Lana ¶me which inspired Patient who added the accent mark D to the o, in order to convey French elegance in every language. LOreal acquired the company in 1964 where it became part of LOreal luxury department and offers 3 product categories: skin care (45, 1 %), make-up (21 ,7%) and fragrances (33,2%) (LOreal resource pack). Now the brand has been developed itself in more than 130 countries. During its 80 years of existence, Lana ¶me has established a brand identity containing some key associations: Expensive, luxury, women, mascara, quality, beauty and trustworthy (Labile, 201 5; own survey, 201 5) appendix rod cloud. 2. 1 Lana ¶mes target group: The typical Lana ¶me customer is an elegant and sophisticated woman around the forty years old (Paupers Labile, 2015). Lana ¶me users view Lana ¶me as elegant, luxurious, and high in quality. Furthermore, they do consider Lana ¶me to be expensive however, compared to for example Channel they do not consider Lana ¶me to be overpriced (Paupers Labile, 2015). 2. 2 Lana ¶me performance: In the travel retail industry is LOreal the market leader. Lana ¶me has the largest market share in the Duty Free beauty products category with over 20% (source: generation). Lana ¶mes total brand value is ranked at the 90th place and valued at 6,3 billion USED (Source: Forbes) thanks to successful products such as their best-selling fragrance (ranked as 4th in the world) La vie est. belle, known for its iconic smiling bottle. . Define the travel retail market The Travel Retail market is an upcoming and increasingly growing market. The travel retail distribution channels consist Of; cruises (4%), airports (57%), downtown duty free shops (33%) and airlines (6%) (LOreal resource pack). Hence, the air traffic is the main driver for the travel retail industry and the focus in this paper . Air traffic is continuously growing by 5% on average per year, and represents over 6 billion international flights in 2013. In 201 3, 1. 87 billion people traveled by plane and spend 1 159 billion USED on various top product categories such as tobacco (7%), Wine and spirits (1 7%), Jewelry and Apparel (12%), Fine foods (12%) and Fragrance and cosmetics (30%) (source: illustriously. Com; LOreal resource pack). Asia-Pacific is the most vibrant region for travel Retail, accounting for 37% of all sales (TEA). The most visited airport in 2013 was London Heathers, with 67 Million passengers (Source: IAC). 3. Airport trends and developments In todays speed-driven, globally networked economy, airports are developing into hubs for commerce. Similar to a traditional metropolis of a central city and its outlying suburbs, the airport is becoming the focus of a sprawl of businesses in what has been dubbed the reiterations. What this means for cosmetics and perfumes is that airport shops will no longer be solely for duty- free gifts and indulgences. In the future airports will look like sophisticated shopping malls with not only shops but also a variety of entertainment opportunities such as golf clubs, cinemas and spa centers. Many airports are growing into bigger places focusing on an integrated and personalized experience for travelers while also considering sustainability. The focus areas for airports are (technological) developments such as: atomization and self-service, personalization and nature spaces where people don not have the feeling they are locked up. Retailers can effectively integrate those trends into their services. Several examples are; nature parks, a beauty spa, museum or for instance; loyalty programs, mobile advertising and higher level of in-store services by touch-screen technology which revive an on-the spot- personalized experience. In addition, some concept stores add digital imagery on a shop wall. Some representative modern top airports with top figures in terms of passenger traffic and providing the above mentioned examples are: Istanbul, Doth, Koala Lump, Taipei and Dublin international airport (traffic evolution; LOreal resource pack). 3. 2 What makes the travel retail market unique? There are several factors playing a role, which makes the Duty free travel retail market unique and distinct from the domestic market. Access to the shops is restricted to people who are traveling and in possession of a raiding pass. Travelers passing through airports are from across the globe, international multi-lingual context In travel retail, brands only have a small window of opportunity to attract and engage customers and convert sales Duty-free and travel retail stores are Often open 24/7 Food, drink and duty free tobacco products are normally intended for consumption outside of the country in which they are purchased, the final destination of the products could be anywhere in the world. Only a limited range of products (often luxury brands) are sold in duty free and travel retail shops and cannot be found on the High Street. In addition many products purchased at duty free and travel retail shops are intended for gift giving, with special editions of products and promotions being supplied only to the travel retail sector. Airport duty free and travel retail shops do not compete with the domestic market; rather they compete with each other as passengers have the option of shopping at different airports departure, arrival or transit airport. The European Commission most recently confirmed this position during their investigation into the acquisition of World Duty Free by Autograph, published in May 2008. . Consumer analysis of travel retail consumers The consumer in the travel retail market is the international shopper; they are not only shopping where they live but also wherever they are. Some important general demands of the International shopper are: high interest in good quality/ high end products, convenience and fast/quick service. The international shopper consists of both families and business peo ple who have different, purposes and needs while traveling. This means that retailers have a difficult mission: tailor their offerings to the different needs and purposes (private or business) of the global shopper, whether they are Brazilian, Chinese, Russians or middle Eastern. The upcoming paragraphs will provide an overview and a clear description about the potential global shopper, there needs, motivations and consumer expectations. 4. 1 Characteristics of the global shopper As the travel retail market has grown, the demographics of travel retail have changed dramatically. Indeed, the significance of Chinese and Russian travelers dwarfs other groups. China accounts for 27% of the total market and Russia for 15%. Number three is Indonesia with Its really linked to GAP per capita. As soon as GAP per capita starts to rise and people have ore disposable income, they want to travel, and when they travel, they want to shop. For 82 %of Chinese travelers, shopping is their number one priority, dropping to 56% and 48% respectively for Middle East ern and Russian consumers. The Chinese consider shopping a fundamental part of their travel experience (source: illustriously. Com). It is thus Important to notice that absolutely not solely European or the American travelers are of interest for Lana ¶me, but especially the new emerging nationalities such as the Chinese and Russian shoppers are the biggest spenders (LOreal case study). Another ewe phenomenon is called: the demagnification of traveling. Demagnification means an increase Of the middle class in traveling. This new influx of travelers transforms the travel retail market, which is evolving from a business model focused exclusively on luxury towards a more diversified offer. 4. The needs of the global shopper The global shopper can travel for two purposes; private or business. These two purposes determine the needs of the global shopper. Generally, business travelers demand efficiency and convenience, whereas tourists are generally seeking for entertainment, and browse stores in order to reduce waiting time. Besides these two different purposes, retailers have to deal with the different nationalities of global shoppers. For instance Japanese women want translucent skin products, whereas European woman or North American woman demand bronzing powders. Lana ¶me has to respond to these different needs by, comprising more various products sets, tailor personal service (a beauty consultant who speaks every language) organize different festival or event by nationality (Ramadan, Chinese new year) and offer membership or free gifts after an expenditure of a certain amount and use in- depth data analysis to capture the needs of the potential customers. 4. The motivation to purchase at the airport The main purpose of visiting a duty free store is to purchase a gift, secondly to browse the store and thirdly to take advantage of airport prices (LOreal resource pack). However, we also asked in our self-conducted survey: what the motivation is Of people to buy cosmetic related products. Results show, that consumers purchase cosmetics in duty free stores mainly for personal use (63%) and secondly as a gift (20%) (Survey Lana ¶me, 2015). However, these results are not fully in alignment with Lana;mes resource pack (201 5), where buying a gift is the number one reason to purchase cosmetics. Several other factors affecting consumer behavior in buying beauty products are: store design, price, brand image, availability and good service, good design/ packaging, innovative features and excellent quality. An advantage for travel retail could be that airport travelers are known to be more receptive to marketing communication messages than the average consumer, as they are effectively stuck in airports in search for entertainment. 5. Competitor analysis of Lana ¶me The Travel Retail operating in the six continent results in a new level of competitors for Lana ¶me. On one hand is the national competition expunged. Nevertheless, the main competitors of Lana ¶me are campaigning all around the world on the same tax-free airport boutiques to attract the same global shoppers. In the upcoming paragraphs we will first discuss the main competitors Lana ¶erne is facing in the travel retail as suggested by Yodels (1999). This is theory is based on original ops marketing of McCarthy. Since we are solely focusing on Travel Retail, the Place will be left out. These are namely the airports worldwide and that was already a selection, for showing competitors. Instead of the place, we will show any special offers/campaigns done in the travel industry. According to our survey we detected the following main competitors for Lana ¶me when focusing on the travel retail business: nearly half of our respondents stated Clique as the main competitor in the market with 46%, followed by Channel (37%) Lana ¶me (31%) and Esteem Lauder (29%) (Lana ¶me survey, 2015). The other competitors mentioned in the survey were Clarions, Shied and Christian Dior. However, in the following researches we discovered that Christian Dior also takes a dominant position in the luxury beauty travel market. Therefore, we decided to focus on four main competitors and also included Christian Dior. We will introduce these competitors, their product, price, promotion and target group in table 1 . Additionally to the competitor analysis, we performed a Porter five forces analysis to identify the main threats in the travel retail industry (Porter, 2008). Looking at Porters five forces for the travel retail industry (figure 1), the travel retail industry looks competitive for Lana ¶me. The main threats are the high existing rivalry (the four dominant competitors mentioned in table 1), high buyer power and a high threat for substitutes. In the travel retail industry, there are many luxury brands offering similar products and services. This makes it hard to differentiate. In addition do the buyers in this industry have the power to easily switch to the competitor. However, incumbents such as NC ¶me and Channel have a competitive advantage compared to new entrants. The level of RD, technology, brand portfolio and distribution/ infrastructure are highly developed for incumbents and therefore hard to compete on for new entrance. Figure 1: Porters five forces (Porter, 2008). 6. SOOT Travel Retail for Lana ¶me Based on the results of our self-conducted survey, our competitor analysis and customer analysis, we made a SOOT-analysis (figure 2). We identified our main strengths pertain to Lana ¶me, namely: (1 ) An innovative product line and (2) high quality, (3) Lana ¶mes trustworthiness and lastly (4) Lana ¶mes cohesive brand image. Firstly, Lana ¶me seems to take advantage of LOreal distribution channels and RD investments, which makes the innovativeness and introduction of new products for the Lana ¶me possible. Secondly, based on our survey results and the results of Lullabies survey (2015), do people have high quality perceptions of the brand Lana ¶me. Additionally, is the brand well established and does it have a strong heritage because Of its 80 years Of existence. This Strong heritage has gained the brand trustworthiness and credibility. Lastly, the associative networks of our self conducted survey and Lullabies survey (2015) look very similar. It seems that people come up with the same associations, when they think of the brand Lana ¶me. Even between men and women there are not many differences in the associative network of Lana ¶me (Appendix. However, this cohesive brand image could also be seen as a weakness for the brand. As the brand primary targets women it is weird that men come up with the same associations and women do not have more unique associations with the rand. One of the major problems could be this last point. The brand Lana ¶me does not evoke many unique associations, which could function as a point of difference in their product category. In addition, does a cohesive brand images makes the brand inflexible (difficult to introduce a product line for men). A general threat in the travel retail industry is terrorism. The 9/11 terrorism attacks caused the travel industry a major drop in passengers. These external factors are beyond the control of any retailer but can have immense influences on sales. In addition can security restrictions cause imitations for beauty travel related products, such as liquid volume or package size. This is also beyond the control of retailers. Another threat could be the rise in demand of organic natural products. However, this could also be an opportunity for Lana ¶me. Another big opportunity for Lana ¶me is the growing luxury goods market in BRICK economies (Chinese, Russian travelers having the highest shopping budget). Lastly, we consider personalization and atomization; such as self-service an opportunity for Lana ¶me to differentiate on. Figure 2: SOOT analysis Of Lana ¶me in the Travel Retail industry Case study 2 7. Brand development plan Lana ¶me I Travel 7. 1 Introduction of Lana ¶me I Travel Fasten your stables and discover Lana ¶me I Travel. The objectives of Lana ¶me I travel are twofold: (1) creating brand awareness by development and visibility of Lana ¶me in the travel retail industry, (2) enhance customer loyalty and recruit new customers by responding to current trends at airports: efficiency, self-service and personalization. 7. 2 Introducing the Lana ¶me Travel experience Taking all the above into consideration, we came up with the following innovative experience: a high end Lana ¶me Travel beauty wall, wrapping all rodents in high quality leather tests with a personal message (see appendix 2 3). The wall will have a very exclusive appearance and has to stand for luxury and high quality, as this is found to be expected of Lana ¶me (Paupers Labile, 2015). This unique wall will entail five different rows of content. The rows within the wall can be divided into: skin care, make-up, fragrances, travel kits and a gift packages. Research by paupers and Labile (2015) pointed out that people strongly associate Lana ¶me with Perfume, make-up and cream/care, for that reason they most definitely had to be incorporated onto the wall. Regarding the skin care, make-up and fragrances the most iconic products will be used; advance genuine (skin care), absolute rouge lipstick and hype ¶SE mascara (regarding make-up) and the La vie est. belle fragrance (see picture below). These products are chosen due to the fact that they are world wide most known and used. In 2009 for example, Genuine won 130 international awards and sold more than 9 million bottles (LOreal online article). For this reason they Will be most likely to satisfy the desires of the global traveler, which Lana ¶me is trying to target. The travel kit of Lana ¶me I Travel will consist of a miniature version of the above-mentioned iconic products, except for the lipstick. In addition there will be several customized Lana ¶me I Travel products: a miniature sewing kit, a nail file, ear plugs, a toothbrush and a sleeping mask and a nail polish, which changes with the seasons (see picture below). The mask will be in black silk with the Lana ¶me travel logo on the front in pearliest white. Furthermore, the Lana ¶me I Travel gift package will consist of a La vie est. belle fragrance, a body lotion and a small passport telling the history of Lana ¶me. The most unique attribute is the personalized leather etude. Every product or package extracted from the wall will be placed into a high quality leather etude (appendix 2). This etude can be personalized by choosing a desired color (four options) and by writing a message in gold on the leather etude through a screen on the machine. After completing the desired color and message, the leather etude will be created and issued within only 5 minutes. Below you can find a suggestion how the machine will look like. The focus will be on the high- end appearance and it would be possible to larger the machine to create the o-called wall.

Sunday, November 24, 2019

Essay Sample on Corporate Culture in Companies

Essay Sample on Corporate Culture in Companies Recently a new phrase called the Corporate Culture has evolved and come to the forefront of the minds of many management teams when discussing marketing, research, organizing, and progress for their respected companies. The dictionary defines culture as â€Å"the act of developing intellectual and moral faculties, especially through education†. Companies further define culture as â€Å"the moral, social, and behavioral norms of an organization based on the beliefs, attitudes, and priorities of its members†. All companies are different in their beliefs, attitudes, and priorities and most do not consciously plan to develop a certain culture. It develops unconsciously usually based upon the thoughts and ideas of the upper brass or founders of the company. Successful companies adopt strategies to strengthen their corporate culture in order to run effectively and efficiently. Hewlett Packard developed and implemented â€Å"the HP Way† program to inform employees and customers of their culture. Developing a corporate culture starts with the hiring of employees. Companies seek strong, hard-working, enthusiastic employees that believe in the company’s mission and will help the company succeed. Positive, intelligent, and dedicated employees can make the company progress as quickly as negative, unqualified, and lazy employees can falter an organization. With the proper work environment and some guidance from a team oriented management staff, the employees can start to form the company’s culture. The staff’s demeanor and attitude are vital attributes to look at and monitor. They are essential attributes which can tell customers volumes about a company. From the way an employee dresses and acts to the tidiness of the workplace, how a company is judged is usually from its appearance. The visual aspect is a large part of a company’s culture as well as its structure. Behavior rules and boundaries have to be clearly communicated and understood by all in order to solidify a working and positive culture. With most companies adopting a wide variety of staff from various cultures, backgrounds, experiences, sometimes rules are misinterpreted or completely forgotten. Management has to communicate often with their staff to clear up any confusion. A well informed and knowledgeable staff leads to a concrete corporate culture. Looking at one’s corporate culture also lends itself to analyzing how the customer can be served better. This gap can be filled possibly by remolding the attitudes of the staff or reshaping selection criteria of new hirees or management. Thinking of the ideal and matching that with an honest examination of the current company culture may help fill the gap or tear down the roadblock which impedes progress. All of these ideas relate to how companies approach and deal with customers and the community. Customers and the community make up the backbone to any company. Without customers or community support, a company would lose money and eventually would have to shut down. Only by making customers happy and developing a positive community image can a company grow and prosper. The corporate culture of a company projects its image every time a transaction is made, whether monetary, charitable, or otherwise. As stated previously, image is everything and everybody is looking, all the time. A shiny image with an impeccable record with the community will sell product and keep customers and clients coming. Moral business practices, selective hiring, detailed training, and a clean appearance are steps leading to success. The recognition and importance of corporate culture is growing everyday as the effect of several points. The more hands-on management style that many companies are adopting allows employees to make more decisions and act like owners. Many companies allow flexible work schedules and business-casual environments. Also the development of work teams and group activities with a wide cultural base highlight the significance of corporate culture. Organizations may need to change their corporate culture very quickly due to an ever changing industry. It can be done with some careful planning, but some values and beliefs should be non-negotiable. These should be reflected in the company’s mission statement and must stand tall without any bending. Corporate culture is an idea that cannot be easily ignored or dismissed for if a company wishes to be financially successful, have a positive reputation, and be in good standing in the community, companies need to shift their focus to building a solid corporate culture.

Thursday, November 21, 2019

Current resources and support available to SME's in the UK to support Essay

Current resources and support available to SME's in the UK to support them overcome linguistic and cultural barriers - Essay Example SMEs have currently recognised language skills and cultural awareness as critically important for achieving success in the international trade. Furthermore, it has been reported that language prevents SMEs from developing exporting market. It has been widely proclaimed that absence as well as acquisition of language skills has tremendous commercial and financial impacts. It has been further observed the SMEs in the UK have generally low language skills (House of Lords, 2013; Senik & et. al., 2010; Hornby & et. al., 2002). In this backdrop, the essay intends to present a critical report on the current resources and support available to SMEs in the UK to support them overcome linguistic and cultural barriers. In addition, the essay also intends to outline key recommendations pertaining to language management strategy (LMS) towards a one stop shop solution. It has been argued that exporting is similar to conducting business in domestic trade in terms of challenges faced by the business for gaining substantial profit from the operations. In this regard, success of exporting largely relies on identifying the potential barriers to businesses that are likely to be faced by SMEs. Notably, SMEs dealing with exporting are often faced with certain imperative challenges associated with complexity and fear of unknown related to foreign market. These challenges associated with SMEs dealing with exporting are ascertained to be a combination of various complexities which include language and cultural differences, political turmoil, poorly established legal and regulatory institutions and ordinary infrastructure (Parcelforce Worldwide, 2014). However, among this combination of challenges, it has been ascertained that a lack of language skills and cultural awareness has resulted in considerable amount of loss of business across Europe. SMEs were repo rted to lose their

Wednesday, November 20, 2019

Making Ethics Rules Stick Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words

Making Ethics Rules Stick - Essay Example Often, employees know the rules but run into ethical problems when they try to circumvent them. A company's standard for ethical enforcement is the most important factor. He quotes Noah Pickus, associate director of the Kenan Institute for Ethics at Duke University, who asserts "Institutions have ethical cultures. Individuals are shaped by, and respond to, those cultures. Rules are always important, but more important is how those rules are aligned with what people 'know' about what the institution allows or encourages" (para. 10). The key for ethical improvement in any corporation is to establish a strong connection between the ethics rules and the corporate culture. Raspberry goes on to quote Pickus: "If a corporation is serious about ethical standards, it will show up not just in rules but in performance reviews -- in the entire culture of the place . . . what does it say when the people who have gone to jail for various kinds of fraud were, before their convictions, systematically promoted by their companies" Essentially, promoting strong ethics requires a sound ethical structure that acts as a foundation for the entire culture of the organization. ... The article maintains that a more ethical approach to ethics training would be to embrace it for the right reasons - a real desire to instill an ethical mindset and standard of behavior throughout the organization. While there is certainly some benefit to reinforcing the rules, it has little effect on the long term ethical state of an organization unless those rules are connected with the values that govern the day-to-day activities and transactions of the business. The question posed by the article is whether it can be considered ethical for a company to provide ethics training in order to protect itself from potential legal problems down the road. Ethical Approaches Under the various goal based and duty based ethical approaches to analyzing the issue posed by the Raspberry article, it would be difficult to maintain that the recent explosion of ethics training among American companies is ethical. Neither the training itself nor the effect of the training is necessarily a good thing from a long-term perspective if it is undertaken in a half-hearted way that is not supported by the overall culture of the organization, and designed solely to cover the posterior of the corporate executives who decide to implement the training. A deontological assessment of the act itself would require that it be an inherently good thing to do, which it would be if it were done for the right reasons. On the other hand, a teleological assessment of the repercussions of the act would require that it produce a positive outcome, which it would if it were carried through in the organizational culture. Neither is the case here, and thus these ethical approaches require

Sunday, November 17, 2019

Try to apply kenneth waltz's three images to the origins of the cold Article

Try to apply kenneth waltz's three images to the origins of the cold war and analyze which image considerations were more important in the development of the cold war - Article Example On the one hand, Stalin as Soviet ruler tried his best to control more territories within the borders of his huge country through the supporting of Communism there. In fact, we know that countries like Poland and Hungary joined Soviet camp after these actions. On another hand, Truman’s doctrine and Marshall’s plan appeared in response to these actions from Soviet people. In particular, these Americans created thinking of Soviet expansion as the threat for USA. As a result of these misunderstandings between Soviet and American leaders, we deal with Cold War. Secondly, Waltz stresses on the differences between states as the background of conflict in the world. In fact, he distinguishes â€Å"good† and â€Å"bad† states, based on their willingness to break the global peace. In context of the Cold War, Truman’s doctrine openly discussed the necessity to involve in domestic affairs of foreign countries. In other words, USA appeared as the â€Å"bad state,† because it wanted the conflict to start. However, Soviet Union had the same intention but did not show it openly. In particular, Soviet leaders considered democratic USA as ideological â€Å"bad state† based on capitalism in contrast to â€Å"good† communism. This ideological struggle led to the appearance of the Cold War. Finally, Waltz concentrates on anarchy within international relations as the source of war. In this part, he considers both individual and state behavior as an outcome of prevailing logic of thinking about the world. Because of this, establishment of any international institutions to manage global conflicts will never be successful. Since states are rational and use their own interest to guide their behavior in international system, the appearance of the Cold War was inevitable. In 1945, both Soviet Union and USA had an interest to become the world leader after

Friday, November 15, 2019

The Reasons for Rapid Population Growth in Nineteenth Century Britain

The Reasons for Rapid Population Growth in Nineteenth Century Britain The Reasons for Rapid Population Growth in Nineteenth Century Britain Number of people walking the face of earth has always been at constant change and the growth in population has always been a great issue of concern and attention by governments and leaders throughout time, especially if occurred in a short period of time. Reasons for rapid expansion in population can be accredited to several factors such as fertility, mortality, migration, and marriage. This natural cause sometimes beneficial and sometimes disastrous depending on the conditions and locations, could be controlled in very difficult ways. In the 19th century Britain, the rapid growth in population was one of great economic, social, political, and environmental changes that laid the basis of the society, as we know it today. Of these changes none has proved to be more significant than that of the redistribution and restructuring of Britains population. Furthermore an interpretation of the causes of demographic change in that critical period following the demise of the old pre-industrial population regime which led to the modern twentieth-century pattern in which both fertility and mortality are particularly low. After a period of unusual stagnation from 1700 to 1740, the population resumed its normal upward trend and afterwards between 1740 and 1780, the growth rate averaged 4 percent to 7 percent per decade, then accelerated to over 10 per cent per decade until 1911. The years between 1811 and 1821 had the most rapid population growth where it reached 17 per cent per decade. The second greatest growth was the decade 1871-1881, where it reached 14 per cent. However the greatest increase which was over 4 million, did not occur till 1901-1911. Subsequently the rate of increase declined dramatically and the population, having doubled between 1780 and 1840, and doubled again at the end of century, rose by only about 50 per cent in the next sixty years to come. The distribution and composition of the British population in the nineteenth century was radically altered due to increased population emigration, especially the migration to more urban areas in search of a better life. There was also a ma jor shift in paradigm in regards to social attitudes, particularly during the latter half of Queen Victorias rule over Britain. As a result, during this time a shift towards small family size or family limitation occurred because changes in prospects of marriage were becoming a noticeable trend. Also substantial advancement in healthcare helped to improve the quality of a healthier life for the people of Britain, drastically changing the chances of one living or dying prematurely. Not only did the population changed in composition, but also in distribution. Great Britains population in 1801 was an estimated eleven million, and in 1901 that number rapidly grew to 37 million, with Londons population share increasing from 9 per cent to 12 per cent. By 1901, Londons population was more than twice that of Wales and slightly more than of Scotland. Among the many epithets applied to the nineteenth century, the age of statistics would seem one of the most appropriate. The first British population census was conducted in 1801 and was subsequently repeated every ten years. While civil registration did not replace the recording of ecclesiastical events, particularly baptism and burials, it did mean that parish registers lost their position as the principal source for demographic enquiry. At mid century, agriculture was in steep relative decline, representing about 20 per cent of those employed. Manufacturing was holding steady at about 33 percent, domestic service contri buted 14 to 15 percent and the remaining 32 percent was made up from professions such as: mining, transport, building, dealing and public service. Moreover. By the end of nineteenth century, agricultures contribution to employment was no more than 10 per cent. Unlike the increase in fertility in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth century, the experience of the late Victorian period was dominated by the secular decline of marital fertility and perhaps a movement towards nuptiality was started. (Woods, 1987; Wilson and Woods, 1992). Furthermore, we may now assume in a way it was not open to contemporaries that marital fertility was reduced as the direct consequence of changed behaviour rather than some general decline in fecundity. Patterns of thought and action were changing rather than physiology (Teitelbaum, 1984). Likewise, it is unlikely that the phenomenon was merely a result of the invention, marketing, adoption, and effective use of new methods of birth control. The rubber condom, Dutch cap, and douche all became available during the last decades of the nineteenth century. They were however rather too expensive for the general use until the 1920s and 1930s when the results of retrospective surveys reveal a far more widespread a doption (Peel, 1963). Since it was known that marital fertility was significantly reduced, it must be assumed that some combination of sexual abstinence, coitus interruptus, accurate us of the safe period and induced abortion were the most likely means by which family limitation was brought about. None of these methods was new to Victorians, however the desire and confidence to use them were innovatory (shorter, 1973; McLaren, 1978; Sauer, 1978; Soloway, 1982). Economists have provided one of the most important theoretical contributions to the study of fertility, their focus has tended towards the costs and returns of having children, the costs and availability of contraceptive methods, inter-generational wealth flow, and the conflict between investing in children or consumer durables. Children, especially in traditional peasant societies, represent a source of labour, income and security for their parents. But in the nineteenth century Britain, the economic value of children to their parents was far less obvious and presumably far less likely to enter any accounting framework for reproductive planning. In general if parents were not attempting to maximize their fertility in order to reap financial gains for the family wage economy, they were also not attempting, until after the 1870s, to restrict their fertility in order to avoid the liability of childrearing (Haines, 1979; Crafts, 1984a, 1984b). In addition, it was also unusual at this ti me for married women to be employed outside of the home, for reasons of tradition and lack of opportunity thus childbearing and rearing did not represent an alternative to wage earning as they do today. There is a persistent line of argument in demographic theory which holds that high levels of fertility are necessary to match high levels of mortality, and therefore that when infant or childhood mortality begin to decline, marital fertility will also be reduced without adversely affecting the effective level of fertility. That is, the supply of new adults capable of reproducing (Brass and Kabir, 1980; Teitelbaum, 1984; Woods, 1987). Therefore, mortality decline not only facilitates the reduction of fertility, it also acts as a strong inducement. Setting aside for the time being any consideration of what causes mortality patterns to vary, it is still obvious that for this particular demographic mechanism to work there must be a distinct time lag between the decline of mortality and f ertility during which average family size will increase. Married couples would be impelled to limit their fertility thereby avoiding accompanying financial burdens which the survival of larger numbers of children would bring. This interpretation assumes that there is a distinct chronology to demographic change that a sophisticated adjustment mechanism is created requiring considerable foresight on the part of married couple and a degree of reproductive planning. In Britain, childhood mortality certainly did not decline at the same time as marital fertility, but infant mortality did not begin its secular decline until 1899-1900 (Woods, Watterson and Woodward, 1988). It seems likely that the reduction of infant and childhood mortality did eventually help to sustain marital fertility decline, but that mortality decline was not an initiating factor (Reves, 1985; Coale and Watkins, 1986, 201-33). The origins of the decline of marital fertility in Britain, as in much of Western Europe wit h the exception of France, are to be found particularly in last quarter of the nineteenth century. This much at least is clear from available statistics, but there are many aspects of this fundamental change in demographic structure that remains obscure. We know that until the 1870s British marital fertility was consistent with natural fertility, that was largely biologically determined with little sign of parity-specific control. Generally speaking, the births were neither deliberately spaced nor were there attempts to prevent conception or live birth once a particular number of children had already been born. A womens fertility was influenced by her physiological ability to conceive, her proneness to spontaneous abortion, and the frequency of coitus. The first mentioned declined with age, the second increase, while the last mentioned declined with the duration of marriage (Bongaarts and Potter, 1983; Wilson, 1984, 1986). During the nineteenth century, life expectation at birth in Britain improved from the mid-thirties to the upper forties and the low fifties by 1911. Of the change, most occurred in the latter part of the nineteenth century and was particularly obvious among those aged from 5 to 25. There was little or no decline either in national infant mortality levels or in mortality rates for those aged 35 plus before 1900 (Woods and Woodward, 1984, 39). However, there were important local and social variations in mortality. The local differences were closely tied to environmental conditions, but especially urban/rural differences. The lowest levels of life expectation were invariably in urban places, and especially in what would now be called the inner cities inhabited by the poorest families in the worst housing with the most inadequate sanitation. Even in 1841 when life expectation at birth was 26 in Liverpool and 37 in London, it was 45 in Surrey and probably 50 years in the most salubrious rural areas (Woods and Hinde, 1987). By 1911 the national average had increased and the urban-rural differential had narrowed substantially. Moreover, it remains a matter of speculation whether the wealthy urban middle classes or the poor agricultural labourers experienced the lower level of mortality. Mortality rate began its secular decline, as well as a rapid decline of infant mortality towards the turn of the century. General fertility rates were in decline throughout the century, but from the 1870s marital fe rtility also began its secular decline. Fertility and mortality rate have declined since the late eighteenth century but the time paths for the three countries traces vary, quite markedly. In France, fertility and mortality declined together from an early date and natural growth remained at a low level throughout the nineteenth century. In Sweden, Mortality declined before fertility in a way that has come to be regarded as normal and coincidental with the predictions of the classic demographic transition model. On the other hand, in England, the modern rise of population was initiated by the increase of fertility in the late eighteenth century and was only supported by the secular decline of mortality. These differences of form, pattern and the timing of change suggest the diversity of demographic structures in Europe in the nineteenth century, but they also illustrate aspects of a broader picture of conformity. In any consideration of the nineteenth century population history pride of place should go to mobility and migration, both internal and international. Not only did Britains population experience radical redistribution, but the age, sex, and skill selective nature of migration also changed society, economy, and environment in several very important respects. Over 90 per cent of the late nineteenth century mortality decline in England and Wales was due to conditions attributable to micro organisms, with 33 percent associated with respirator tuberculosis; 17 per cent with typhoid and typhus; 12 per cent from cholera, diarrhoea, and dysentery; 5 per cent from smallpox and 4 per cent from non-respiratory tuberculosis. It is believed, and as McKeown argued that the specific changes introduced by the sanitary reformers were responsible for about a quarter of the total decline of mortality in the second half of the nineteenth century. The remainder of the improvement, mainly associated with tuberculosis, must be attributed to the rise of living standards brought about by the industrial revolution, that is, perhaps half of the total reduction of mortality (McKeown and Record, 1962, 129). This last quarter could be attributed to changes in the character of diseases especially scarlet fever (Eyler, 1987). The argument for the attribution of the f irst quarter is relatively easy to follow, how else could the water borne diseases have declined but what of tuberculosis? The direct effects of specific therapeutic measure can be ruled out conditions of exposure to the diseases, diet, physical, and mental stresses remain. McKeown excluded the last mentioned and claimed that exposure via crowding at home and at work were not reduced before 1900. Therefore, diet remained the most likely influenced on the downward trend of tuberculosis mortality. There are four major aspects of migration and emigration that are of particular significance. First, the outer rural periphery- especially the west of Ireland and the Scottish Highlands- experienced massive emigration which caused general depopulation (Flinn, 1977; Anderson and Morse, 1990; Withers and Watson 1991). Although the Irish case is often linked to famine migration in the 1840s, the history of Irish emigration to North American and Great Britain is very complex which famine probably only exacerbated. Secondly, the countryside in general suffered net loss to the towns (Saville, 1957; Lawton, 1967). From Cornwall to Norfolk, Dorset to Anglesey and Aberdeen agricultural labourers, servants, and small tenants left and were not replaced, except by machines. In a few rural counties, such as Kent, this did not lead to absolute population decline because natural growth exceeded net out migration. Thirdly, the great industrial and commercial centres of central Scotland, the English North and Midlands, and South Wales, not only increased their citizenry but also expanded physically until they coalesced into the amorphous conurbations so well known in the twentieth century. These Victorian cities grew particularly rapidly both by net migration and natural growth, despite high mortality. Intra-urban migration also fuelled suburban expansion which eventually affected whole cities, primarily through the depopulation of their inner areas. In the cases of certain Scottish and Northern industrial towns this process was obvious even in the late nineteenth century (Lawton, 1983; Morris, 1990). Lastly, London should probably be treated as a special case since it not only maintained its British primacy but also its share of the total population. The new problems associated with managing and servicing such a massive concentration of people (nearly five million by 1901) imposed many strains, not least in terms of transport, social inequalities, which were made more obvious by their juxtaposition, and sanitation. The broad picture of European migration shows that from 1821 to 1915, 44 million people left, of which Great Britain accounted for 10 million and Ireland for 6 million. More detailed estimates suggest that between 1853 and 1900, 4,675,100 people left England and Wales for a non- European destination and 896,000 left Scotland. In both cases more than half went to the United States with a further firth to Australia (Carrier and Jeffrey, 1953; Easterlin, 1961; Baines, 1985). There is little reason to doubt that economic pressures, whether relative or absolute, played an important part in influencing the decision of many couples to limit their fertility in the late nineteenth century, but what still remains in doubt is why that pressure only took tangible effect in the last quarter of the century and why the secular decline of marital fertility occurred so rapidly that different occupations, status groups and social classes all appeared to be reducing their family sizes. All of about the same rate and time, but from rather different levels (Stevenson, 1920l Innes, 1938; Woods, 1987; Haines, 1989). Of those occupational groups that are relatively easy to identify, coalminers provide interesting illustrations of the difficulties encountered in developing purely economic explanations of fertility decline (Friedlander, 1973; Haines, 1979). Coalmining districts and families are known to have had higher fertility longer and have been among the last areas and social groups to attempt family limitation. A commonly held account argues that the income curve for coalminer peaked in the early to mid-twenties. There were few employment opportunities for women in such areas constrained a surplus of men and marriage for women was early and general. The demand for male labour was usually abundant, but the work was dangerous, accidents and injuries were common and often fatal. Therefore there was little economic incentive, as there was in the lower middle classes, to restrict fertility. But it is also likely that these rather closely knit communities perpetuated an ethos which was strongly ori ented towards mens values and womens obligations and therefore less compatible with that degree of foresight and co-operation between the sexes. Something that was necessary for successful family limitation before the development of effective intra-uterine devices and oral contraceptive. It should be stressed that the British experience of the secular decline of marital fertility was merely part of a Europe-wide movement in which Britain was later than most of France, but in step with much of Germany and Italy (Coale and Watkins, 1986; Watkins, 1991). The most important structural barriers to change appear to have been the major linguistic and cultural divisions, as well as the strength of pro-natalist religious feeling. Just as in Britain, it is not possible to say in detail how or why family limitation became a common practice, but the most plausible interpretations also stress the importance of changes in attitude and the removal of constraints on behaviour emphasised in the soci ological approach rather than the after effects of industrialization and urbanization or the prior decline of infant and child mortality. The electoral swing was Europe wide, relatively rapid, and has not been reversed. Farrs work on the demographic statistics of England and Wales have made it possible to describe in some detail the pattern of mortality variation in the nineteenth century, but we are still far from providing a full explanation of the origins of the decline of mortality during the nineteenth century. We know that medical science have had only a minor influence on the decline of mortality before the 1930s and that the cleansing of great cities was a special problem in a country like Great Britain which had a particularly high level of urbanization, but once the sanitation and public health problem had been solved then the positive effects would have been immediate and lasting. We also know that poverty brings poor diet and thus low nutritional status, and inadequate housing persisted and were then, as now, closely related to variations in mortality rates. The significance of and reasons for the decline of mortality from tuberculosis continues to be an area for enquiry, but few now fol low McKeowns lead and argue from mortality via tuberculosis to improved living standards, especially diet. Many would now regard the nineteenth century as a period on which the foundations of modern medical science were laid (Pickstone, 1985). The rapid growth which began around 1740 was sustained in the nineteenth century. Death rates, which had fallen in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, stabilised at around 22 per 1,000 between 1820 and 1870, a development chiefly attributable to the appalling living conditions in industrial towns at the time. By the 1870s the public health campaign, which had been initiated in the 1840s to provide towns with drainage and pure water supplies, began to pay off and the general death rate fell from 22.3 per thousand in 1871 to 13.8 per thousand in 1911, which is a drop of about 40 per cent. Other contributory factors were the rising living standards (more food and clean clothes) and improved urban environment (better housing, public baths, and wash houses). On the other hand, the birth rate that had remained fairly high throughout the century began to decline during the 1880s. There were several main causes that lead to this decline. Children were becoming an economic bur den rather than an asset, as the Factory Acts limited employment opportunities and the Elementary Education Act (1870) required their attendance at school. Real incomes were rising and, for the first time, people were faced with the possibility of sustained improvement in their life. Increasingly they saw a clear choice between more children and a better life, and tended to favour the latter. Also large numbers of young men were emigrating and this lowered the marriage rate in many places. Resulting a decrease in family size, from 5 to 6 children in the 1860s to 2 to 3 in the 1920s. This tendency started among the middle classes and permeated slowly downwards through the social pyramid. One important statistic changed scarcely at all, the infant mortality rate. Though fluctuating year by year from 100 to180 per thousand, it averaged about 135 per thousand in the 1890s as it had in the worst decade, the 1840s. The explanation lies in the vulnerability of infants to infectious disease s in towns. Between 1901 and 1921 the rate fell dramatically by about 50 percent. The expansion of population and the progress of industrialisation were inextricably intertwined: 1. A rising labour force was provided to facilitate the introduction of intensive agriculture, as well as to mine coal and work in factories. Infant industries were able to draw on young, mobile labour with no vested interest in obsolete skills and without having to offer high wages to lute it from other employments. 2. A growing market for the necessities of life (food, clothes, shelter, and household goods) was provided, encouraging entrepreneurs to experiment with new techniques to enable them to produce more, faster, and cheaper. This steadily expanding domestic market exerted a valuable cushioning effect whenever volatile export markets underwent a temporary recession. It must be emphasised that population growth did not, of itself, lead to industrial progress. It had this effect because it took place in the context of an economy that was already dynamic with abundant resources, a new technology of steam-power and machinery and a vigorous class of businessmen to exploit them. In Ireland this foundation was lacking, and therefore population growth simply led to mass poverty on an unprecedented scale. In conclusion, the rapid population growth in Britain in the nineteenth century was caused by several different reasons such as: fertility rate, mortality rate, healthcare, emigration, migration, occupation, and other economical aspects. Furthermore, a number of informed observers believe that this fate would overwhelm England in the nineteenth century. The most influential of these was the Reverend T.R. Malthus, whose Essay on the Principle of Population as it Affects the Future Improvement of Society was published in1798. He argued that population always tended to increase in geometrical progression whereas food supply only increased in an arithmetical progression. The former would, therefore, tend always to outrun the latter, producing wide-spread misery and eventually mass famines. Malthus did not foresee the amazing rise in the productivity of British agriculture during the nineteenth century, nor the ability of the country to import food from the virgin soils of the new World, but his gloomy predictions carried great weight with his contemporaries, and he must take a great share of the responsibility for the harshness of Victorian attitudes towards the poor. Since any easing of their condition would have encourage them to breed and multiply both the course of their poverty and the numbers who must endure, it was necessary to control them harshly for their own, and also societys benefit. Bibliography 1. Szreter, Simon. Fertility, Class, and gender in Britain, 1860-1940. Cambrdige University Press. 1996. 2. Brown, Richard. Society and Modern Britain 1700-1850. Routledge. 1991. 3. Mingay, G.E. The Transformation of Britain 1830-1939. Routhledge Kegan Paul. 1986. 4. OBrien, K. Patrick; Quinault, Roland. The Industrial Revolution and British Society. Cambridge Press. 1993. 5. Floud, Roderick; McCloskey, Donald. The Economics History of Britain since 1700. University of Cambridge. 1994. 6. Flinn, M.W. British Population Growth 1700-1850. London. 1970. 7. Flinn M.W. Scottish Population History: From the Seventeenth Century to the 1930s. Cambridge. 1977. 8. Malthus, T.R. An Essay on the Principle of Population. Cambridge. 1989. 9. Farr, W. Vital Statistics. London. 1885. 10. Anderson, M; Morse, D. People and Society in Scotland Volume II, 1830-1914. Edinburgh. 1990. 11. Bongaarts, J.; Potter, R.J. Fertility, Biology and Behaviour: An Analysis of the Proximate Determinants. New York. 1983. 12. Brass, W.; Kabir, M. Regional Demographic Development. London. 1980. 13. Innes, J.W. Class Fertility Trends in England and Wales, 1876- 1934. Princeton. 1938. 14. McLaren, A. Birth Control in Nineteenth-Century England. London. 1978. 15. Peel, J. The Manufacture and Retailing of Contraceptive in England. Cambridge. 1963 16. Soloway, R.A. Birth Control and the Population Question in England, 1877-1930. Chapter Hill. 1982. 17. Teitelbaum, M.S. The British Fertility Decline: Demographic Transition in the Crucible of the Industrial Revolution. Princeton. 1984. 18. Woods, R.I. Approach to the Fertility Transition in Victorian England. 1987. 19. McKeown, T. Reasons for Decline in Mortality in England and Wales During the Nineteenth Century. 1962. 20. Pickstone, J.V. Medicine and Industrial Society: a History of Development in Manchester and its Region, 1752-1946. Manchester. 1985. 21. Reves, R. Declining Fertility in England and Wales as a Major Cause of the Twentieth Century Decline in Mortality: The Role of Changing Family Size and Age Structure in Infectious disease Mortality Infancy. American Journal of Epidemiology. 1985. 22. Woods, R.I.; Woodward, J.H. Urban Disease and Mortality in Nineteenth Century England. London. 1984. 23. Woods, R.I.; Hinde, P.R.A. Mortality in Victorian England: Models and Pattern`s. Journal of Interdisciplinary History. 1987. 24. Coale, A.J.; Watkins, S.C. The Decline of Fertility in Europe. Princeton. 1986. 25. Woods, R.I.; Watterson, P.A.; Woodward, J.H. The Causes of Rapid Infant Mortality Decline in England and Wales. 1989. 26. Easterlin, R.A. Influences on European Overseas Emigration Before World War I. 1961 27. Lawton, R. Rural Depopulation in Nineteenth Century England. London. 1967. 28. Baines, D. Migration in a Mature Economy: Emigration and Internal Migration in England and Wales, 1861-1900. Cambridge. 1985. 29. Farr, W. English Life Tables. Tables of Lifetimes, Annuities, and Premiums. London. 1864. 30. Saville, J. Rural Depopulation in England and Wales, 1851-1951. London. 1957. 31. Withers, C.W.J.; Watson, A.J. Stepwise Migration and Highland Migration to Glasgow. Journal of Historical Geography. 1991. 32. Wilson, C. Natural Fertility in Pre-industrial England. 1984 33. Wilson, C. The Proximate Determinants of Marital Fertility in England, 1600-1899. Oxford. 1986. 34. Crafts, N.F.R. A Time Series Study of Fertility in En gland and Wales, 1877-1938. European Journal of Economic History. 1984a. 35. Crafts, N.F.R. A Cross-sectional Study of Legitimate Fertility in England and Wales, 1911. Research in Economic History. 1984b. 36. Wilson, C.; Woods, R.I. Fertility in England: a Long Term Perspective. 1992. 37. Haines, M.R. Fertility and Occupation: Population Patterns in Industrialization. New York. 1979. 38. Lawton, R. Urbanization and Population Change in Nineteenth Century England. London. 1983. 39. Watkins, S.C. From Provinces to Nations: Demographic Integration in Western Europe, 1870- 1960. Princeton. 1991. 40. Shorter, E. Female Emancipation, Birth Control and Fertility in European History. American Historical Review. 1973. 41. Sauer, R. Infanticide and Abortion in Nineteenth Century Britain. 1978. 42. Stevenson, T.H.C. The Fertility of Various Social Classes in England and Wales from the Middle of the Nineteenth Century to 1911. Journal of the Royal Statistical Society. 1920. 43. Carrier, N.H.; Jeffrey, J.R. External Migration: A Study of Available Statistics, 1815-1950. London. 1953. 44. Morris, R.J. Urbanization in Scotland. Edinburgh. 1990. 45. Friedlander, D. Demographic Patterns and Socioeconomic Characteristics of the Coal-mining Population in England and Wales in the Nineteenth Century. 1973. 46. Haines, M.R. Social Class Differentials During Ferti

Tuesday, November 12, 2019

Modern Day Slavery Essay

The 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the 1956 UN Supplementary Convention on the Abolition of Slavery, the Slave Trade and Institutions and Practices Similar to Slavery. Yet it is still very much alive and well despite the fact that it is banned in most of the countries where it is practiced. Millions of women, men and children are coerced or forced into slavery and are sold like objects, forced to work in dehumanizing conditions for little or on pay and are oftentime abused by their employers. Modern-day slavery can be defined as unlawful imprisonment, demoralization of human being and the violation of human rights of others. Modern-day Slavery Practices The International Labor Organization and respected abolitionists put the global number of slaves at between 10-30 million worldwide (Maddox, 2012). According to the United Nations the total market value of human trafficking at 32 billion U.S. dollars. In Europe, criminals are pocketing around $2.5 billion per year through sexual exploitation and forced labor (Maddox, 2012). In essence, modern day slavery is alive and very prominent all over the world. Modern day slavery manifest in many forms namely forced labor, bonded labor, sex trafficking, forced migrant labor, involuntary domestic servitude, and forced child labor. According to the US State Department 2005 and 2007 reports, between 14,500 and 17,500 people are trafficked into the U.S. each year. Worldwide, there are roughly 800,000 people that are trafficked across international borders and of that number 70 percent are females (Anka Rising, 2012). Based on a 2009 research study conducted by the United Nations nearly 20 percent of human trafficking victims are chidren. Furthermore, in an extract from the US State Department â€Å"Trafficking in Persons Report (TIP)† (June, 2009) the following facts were revealed: 1 – The People’s Republic of China (PRC) is a source, transit, and destination country for men, women, and children trafficked for the purposes of forced labor and sexual exploitation; 2 – While the majority of trafficking in the PRC occurs within the country’s borders, there is also considerable trafficking of PRC citizens to Africa, other parts of Asia, Europe, Latin America, the Middle East, and North America; 3 – Women are lured through false promises of legitimate employment and forced into commercial sexual exploitation largely in Taiwan, Thailand, Malaysia, and Japan; 4 – Chinese women and men are smuggled throughout the world at great personal financial cost and then forced into commercial sexual exploitation or exploitative labor to repay debts to traffickers, and; 5 – Women and children are trafficked to China from such countries as Mongolia, Burma, North Korea, Russia, Vietnam, Romania, and Ghana for purposes of forced labor , marriage, and sexual slavery (p. 104). Addressing Modern-day Slavery The US State Department suggest that punishment, protection and prevention are ways of addressing and cracking down on modern-day slavery, namely human trafficking. The 2009 TIP Report analyzes foreign goverment anti-trafficking laws and policies in respect to the type of punishment imposed on trafficking offenders. As such, the enactment of the Trafficking Victims Protection Reauthorization Act of 2008 (TVPRA of 2008) was put into place to strengthened the U.S. Government’s criminal statute on forced labor (Trafficking in Persons, 2009, p. 26). The act clears up any misconception about nonphysical forms of coercion, that are mostly recognized as potent tools used by traffickers and provides a detailed explanation of â€Å"abuse or threatened abuse of law or legal process,† a prohibited means of coercion under both the forced labor and sex trafficking statutes.

Sunday, November 10, 2019

Iron Crowned Chapter 17

We learned more about the full extent of Imanuelle's ability as Kiyo and I made our way with her on horseback to the Rowan Land. Her illusions were every bit as good as she'd demonstrated the first day, and I watched with grudging awe as she transformed Kiyo into Girard, Shaya, and – ack – Dorian. The illusions were perfect – and dangerous. I began to fully understand why she was such a good assassin. She really could be whomever she wanted, slipping into high security places without anyone knowing. I was a bit shocked when some part of my brain skipped right past employing her to detaining her. That part of my brain said getting rid of her would be safer for me in the future, and I immediately chastised myself for the idea. Imprisoning potential enemies was something Storm King would have done. â€Å"It's not all-powerful,† she said at one point. I think she was just making idle conversation now, having no clue of my concerns. We'd crossed into the Rowan Land now, and she'd dropped her tricks with Kiyo, settling on illusions of bedraggled peasants for all of us. â€Å"Doing it for three people takes more power. And even for myself, I can't hold up disguises forever.† She made a small face. â€Å"If I could, I'd be a spy instead. A lot less messy.† I said nothing but exchanged brief glances with Kiyo behind her back. He too had to have analyzed the implications of her abilities. I was also thinking that when we'd first tried to rescue Jasmine from Aeson, our plan had failed because a spy had betrayed us. There was every possibility now that Imanuelle could do the same, and I wondered if I'd been too quick to trust such an unknown quantity. I could only hope love for her brother would keep her loyal to his employer. Despite its name, the Rowan Land was dominated by cherry trees. Well, at least that was my impression whenever I crossed through it while journeying to other kingdoms. As we traveled further along roads that delved deeper into Katrice's kingdom, the cherry trees gave way to other plants and trees – including rowans. They were smaller than I'd expected and laden with berries of their own. This land was really quite nice, temperate and pleasantly warm, with beautiful green landscapes. It would be a shame if I did have to raze it to the ground. We saw signs of Katrice's castle long before the castle itself. Other travelers joined us on the road, those whose towns had been caught in the crossfire of war and now sought out food and shelter from their monarch. Most were on foot, and we passed them quickly, for which I was glad. I needed no guilt on this journey. We also began seeing soldiers, undoubtedly part of the increased security that Rurik had predicted. Some were traveling to and from the castle. Some were stationed along the way, carefully watching those of us who passed. I held my breath each time, waiting for Imanuelle's illusions to fail us. Along with acknowledging her power limits, she'd also told us some gentry were sensitive to her type of magic and could see through her spells. She'd told us this halfway through the journey. It was information that kind of would have been useful before setting out. But, although we were scrutinized, the soldiers allowed us to pass, and before long, the castle itself came into view. I paused a moment, admiring it in spite of myself. Dorian and I both had dark, blocky stone castles, like Norman strongholds left on barren English countryside. Maiwenn's home was elegant and fanciful, always reminding me of a Disney movie. Katrice's castle, however, could have been straight out of a postcard from Bavaria. It had strong, straight rectangular lines, its sides white and covered with windows. That sturdy boxiness was offset by graceful turrets rising from the center, almost delicate-looking with their pointed black roofs. The land had been rising as we traveled, so it wasn't a surprise to see the castle was situated high on one of the foothills leading off into pretty, snowcapped mountains. It had a sweeping view of the area we were approaching from, and a sturdy wall surrounded its immediate grounds. Here we came to a stop along with the others seeking admission. We formed a long, clustered line, making me nervous. â€Å"Why the backup? Are they refusing people?† I asked softly. â€Å"We don't usually have this many at our gates.† Kiyo peered ahead, his sharp eyes seeing what we couldn't. â€Å"No, they're letting them in, just doing a fair amount of questioning, which is slowing things down. And you're right – you never have this many because your lands haven't been attacked as much.† Good and bad, I thought. I'd kept my own people safe, but the war I was waging was devastating homes. It occurred to me I might not have to worry about Katrice. If these people discovered who was among them, I might very well be taken down by an angry mob. â€Å"Easy,† murmured Imanuelle. â€Å"Don't look nervous. I can't hide your expressions.† I schooled myself to neutrality, hoping I looked blank and exhausted. After almost an hour of restless waiting, our turn came. Four guards interrogated us, and we were quick with answers. For our cover story, we'd chosen a village that had been near a battle Dorian's armies had fought with Katrice's. Most of the residents had cleared out before the fighting, but a large part of the village had been destroyed. â€Å"Our house was burned to the ground,† Imanuelle said. She didn't even need the illusion of an older, rag-clad woman to be pathetic. Her demeanor and voice were filled with perfect, convincing despair. â€Å"Our crops were wiped out.† After a bit more questioning, they let us in, sending us toward what was essentially a gentry breadline. The inner grounds of Katrice's castle were packed with people – most soldiers – and we had to shoulder our way through the crowd to reach the corner where the poor and huddled masses were situated. Many appeared to have made this courtyard their temporary home. It looked like a well-used campground. Nonetheless, food was on hand, and I was relieved that these victims of war were being cared for. We hovered near the food line so as not to raise suspicion, all the while assessing the area. In particular, our attention rested on the main gates to the castle itself. It was the most heavily guarded spot of all, and I knew then that an outright assault would have indeed been long and bloody. Other soldiers moved through the door with little questioning, which was what we'd hoped for. Finding a relatively obscured corner between a tall tent and the wall, we ducked out of sight and let Imanuelle work her next spell. She closed her eyes and took a deep breath. A tingle ran over me, and the world blurred. When I could focus on my companions again, I saw myself looking at the guards who had admitted us. â€Å"Whoa, wait,† I said, assuming I probably looked like one of the gate soldiers as well. â€Å"Don't you think we might have a few problems if we run into our clones? Why didn't you make us look like random unknowns?† â€Å"Because if the other guards don't recognize us, we'll get questioned more,† Imanuelle explained. She studied her hands critically, a small smile showing pride in her work. â€Å"I don't think the ones at the gate are leaving their posts anytime soon. We shouldn't run into them.† She spoke confidently, but I had a feeling she was secretly thinking I hope. Everyone was too concerned with his or her own affairs to realize that three peasants had ducked away, and three soldiers had emerged. When the refugees saw us, though, they stepped quickly out of our way. No pushing this time. None of us needed lessons on how to behave. Whereas our initial entry had been weak and bedraggled, we now walked with the confidence and strength of those who ran this place. We barely hesitated as we moved to the castle's entrance, and those on guard stepped aside without comment. Being inside proved a bit more confusing. We'd received some information on the castle's layout, but we didn't know exactly where Jasmine was being held. We couldn't pause to deliberate, though. We had to keep moving like we had purpose or else attract attention. Soldiers and servants hurried around us, and we fell in step with some down a random hall. Kiyo, always fast-thinking, stopped a lone, young soldier. â€Å"Hey,† said Kiyo brusquely. â€Å"We've had reports that someone might try to rescue the Thorn Queen's sister.† The soldier's blue eyes widened. â€Å"What? We should alert – â€Å" â€Å"No, no,† Kiyo interrupted. â€Å"Keep it to yourself. We don't want to raise suspicion. The outside guard already knows and is on watch. We need to know if she's been moved or not. There were rumors that she had been.† I tried not to bite my lip. Kiyo sounded like he knew what he was talking about, but this was a dangerous moment. As I'd worried before, Jasmine might not even be held here. There was also a chance that this guard didn't know her location, and we'd have to keep playing this game with others. The more people we talked to, the riskier our mission became. â€Å"Not that I've heard,† said the soldier. â€Å"She's still in the dungeon.† I breathed a sigh of relief. I'd half-expected him to say she was in Cassius's bedroom. The dungeons weren't great either, but well †¦ it was no different than how I'd initially treated her. I waited for Kiyo to demand more details – how many guards were on her, where the dungeons were, et cetera. Instead he gave the soldier a curt nod and again warned him to be on alert but not to share his knowledge. â€Å"We needed more info,† I hissed to Kiyo as we continued walking down the hall. Whatever her faults, Katrice had good interior design sense. Floral paintings hung on the walls, and elaborate plants spilled out of vases. The beauty was lost on me, though. â€Å"Why'd you let him go?† â€Å"Because real guards would already know anything else we wanted to ask,† he replied. â€Å"Asking where the dungeons are would definitely be a tipoff that something was up.† â€Å"And I already know where they are,† said Imanuelle. Both Kiyo and I looked at her in surprise. â€Å"Downstairs,† she added. â€Å"Dungeons are always downstairs,† I pointed out. â€Å"Have you been to them?† asked Kiyo. She nodded and crooked us a grin. â€Å"Powerful leaders aren't the only ones with prices on their heads. Sometimes important prisoners need to disappear too.† I grimaced at her amusement but was grateful when she got us turned around. With a clear purpose, I grew more and more tense. This was it. What would we find? No one was giving us a second glance up here, but in the dungeons, we'd attract attention – especially when we busted out one of their prisoners. Our castle faà §ades might have been different, but Katrice and I possessed similar dungeons. Dark. Gloomy. Gray stone walls and torches. It was such a stereotype, but I supposed it helped dampen the hopes of any prisoners. Imanuelle led us confidently down flights of stairs and into a long, wide corridor. Jasmine's cell was easy to spot because six guards stood outside it – again, reminiscent of her earlier conditions at my place. â€Å"Good luck,† said Imanuelle, falling behind us. She was apparently holding true to her word that this was all on us now. The guards on duty were sharp-eyed and naturally noticed our approach, but none of them reacted with wariness or alarm. A couple displayed curiosity, wondering perhaps if orders had changed, but that was it. Kiyo and I had discussed several strategies on our journey and finally decided swift and surprising force would be the way to go. When we were still several feet away, I sent my magic out, pulling in the air like a deep breath and throwing it back at the guards in the form of a gale-worthy wind. It ruffled our hair and brushed our skin, but the blast literally threw the guards off their feet. There were cries of shock, and two went down right then and there from the impact of slamming against the corridor's end. The other four were up on their feet, three drawing copper swords. Fire appeared in the hands of the fourth. I should have expected Katrice would put magic-users on Jasmine, along with brute force. There was no other time to ponder that, though, because the guy suddenly hurled a fireball at us. I instinctually drew on the surrounding air again, along with its moisture, disintegrating the fire with little effort. Kiyo surged forward then, attacking one of the guards. I ran forward as well, my attention focused on another guard as I created a vacuum around him, pulling all air away from him. His eyes widened as he gasped and clutched his throat, trying to draw an impossible breath. I held the magic as one of his colleagues tried to attack me. I dodged the sword, largely because the iron dagger in my hand was making him keep his distance. The guy in the thralls of my magic finally passed out from the lack of oxygen, and I released him, letting him collapse unconscious to the floor. Before I could even deal with the other soldier by me, Kiyo leapt out and tackled him to the floor. I took this to mean Kiyo's first opponent was out of commission, leaving me with the magic user. Not having learned anything the first time, he hurled another fireball at me. I admired his control; too much would have incinerated everyone in the hall. But with my magic, swatting the fire away was an afterthought for me. He had no weapon out, and I stepped forward, pushing my athame to his throat. He cried out at the sting of the iron, offering no fight as I began drawing away his oxygen too. A realization glinted in his eyes. Illusion or no, he must have figured out who would wield air and water so easily – and hold onto iron. â€Å"Thorn Queen †¦Ã¢â‚¬  he gasped out, as the last of his air left him. I saw unconsciousness seizing him, but just before it did, he managed a weak flutter of his hand. No fire came, but I felt an intense wave of heat spread out. It didn't hurt me, but there was a physical power within it, one that rippled the air and made the walls tremble slightly just before he too collapsed to the floor. Kiyo and I stood there among the bodies – dead or alive, I didn't know – and glanced at each other and our surroundings carefully. Imanuelle still stood back but looked impressed. â€Å"What the hell was that?† I asked. â€Å"I'm guessing an alarm,† she said. â€Å"Fuck.† I turned toward Jasmine's cell and saw her huddled in the farthest corner, regarding me with large, wary eyes. Water was her true specialty; she had only slight control over air. Nonetheless, she would have felt the strength of the magic I'd used. Like the guard, she knew there were few who could do what I'd done – but her vision told her it wasn't me standing there. I was still under Imanuelle's illusion. Kiyo was already searching bodies and soon found a key. We opened the cell, but Jasmine didn't move. She didn't look too worse for the wear, but I knew some of the most terrible behaviors rarely left a mark. There was a small tear in her dress and a bruise on her arm that looked like the signs of a struggle, probably during her initial capture. I also noticed they'd left the fine iron chains on her that Girard had created to stunt her magic. My own safeguard had undoubtedly been useful for her captors. I gestured to the door, uneasy about what Imanuelle had said about an alarm. â€Å"Jasmine, come on. It's us. Me and Kiyo.† â€Å"And by me,† said Kiyo, pointing in my direction, â€Å"she means Eugenie.† Jasmine hesitated, looking between our faces. â€Å"How is that possible?† Imanuelle, who'd been watching the hall's entrance, turned hastily toward the cell. â€Å"How do you think? With magic. Look at yourself.† Jasmine's features rippled, and soon, we were staring at another Rowan soldier. Jasmine studied her hands in astonishment. The illusion showed no chains, but she would still be able to feel them. â€Å"Your iPod's playlist sucks,† I said when she continued to hesitate. â€Å"Would a gentry guard say that?† â€Å"Come on,† urged Imanuelle. She'd been confident she could get herself out of any danger here, but those odds were better if she wasn't in a hall that could easily be blocked off if a regiment came tearing toward the entrance. Jasmine must have decided this new development could be no worse than her present fate. She jumped up and left the cell, following as the rest of us made for the stairs. We reached the main floor without opposition, but once there, all was chaos. Soldiers were running in the direction we'd come from, and I wondered how long it'd take them to realize we were the only ones not going toward the dungeons. Except †¦ it turned out that wasn't the case. In the confusion, no one stopped us from exiting the front door, but the inner grounds were packed with soldiers. They were cramming terrified refugees into one well-guarded section, and the gates in the outer walls had been shut. â€Å"Fuck,† I said again. It still seemed like the only adequate way to sum up this situation. â€Å"We could jump to the human world,† said Kiyo. â€Å"Imanuelle can get out on her own.† I considered this. It was true. Imanuelle could change into a peasant or whatever and escape detection until an opportunity for escape popped up. Kiyo's abilities allowed him to transition with relative ease through the worlds without a gate. I could do it – but not without difficulty. And I needed to use an anchor to draw me back. I had a couple back in my home, but Jasmine had nothing like that. She probably couldn't jump at random from the Otherworld. I wasn't even sure if she could with an anchor – and the iron chains made it worse. We could both end up doing serious damage to ourselves. â€Å"We can't,† I said. â€Å"We've just got to hide out.† I turned to Imanuelle. â€Å"How are you doing? Can you turn us all to peasants again?† She nodded. â€Å"We've got to get out of sight, though.† Her confidence was a small blessing, at least. Imanuelle was keeping up four illusions now, and her strength had been a concern in all this, that and someone who would be able to see through – â€Å"It's her! It's the Thorn Queen!† The shrieking voice that suddenly drew all eyes to us didn't come from the soldiers. It came from an old woman among the huddled refugees. She reminded me of Masthera, with white hair and wild eyes. She was pointing at us, and there was something in her gaze †¦ some piercing quality that made me believe she could see straight through the illusions to us. â€Å"Damn,† said Imanuelle. There was both fear and hurt pride in her voice. Although this had been a possibility, I knew she'd secretly felt her powers were too strong for detection. Maybe the four of us had stretched her magic thin. Honestly, I wouldn't have thought that one shout would be enough to pull attention to us, not in the chaos out there. Yet, the woman's voice brought silence to those nearby. They turned to stare at us, and soon, others who hadn't heard her noticed the reactions and fell quiet as well. â€Å"Hush,† snapped a guard, finally breaking the confused silence. He was one of the ones keeping the civilians out of the way. â€Å"We have no time for this.† The old woman shook her head adamantly. â€Å"Can't you see? Can't you see them? It's the Thorn Queen and her sister! They're right there!† The guard's face darkened. â€Å"I told you, we – â€Å" His jaw dropped because that was when the guards who'd been on gate duty earlier approached. They came to a standstill, staring at us in complete shock. If we hadn't panicked over the alarm, one of us probably would have thought to change the illusion so we looked like the unconscious soldiers, not the ones we would have to pass by again. It was a bad, bad oversight, and now everyone could see us and our mirror images. The guard yelling at the old woman might not know what was going on, but he knew something was going on. â€Å"Seize them,† he said. He glanced uneasily at his true colleagues and decided to cover his bases. â€Å"Seize them too.† Other soldiers moved toward us unquestioningly. I sized up the numbers. We were good, but I didn't think Kiyo and I could take that many in melee. Jasmine came to that same conclusion. â€Å"Blow them up,† she said. â€Å"We can blow our way out of here.† By ‘we,' she meant ‘me,' and I knew she was talking about storms, not explosions. Some part of me had already known that was the answer. Barely even realizing it, I summoned all my magic, making the beautiful, sunny day in the Rowan Land quickly fade. Black and purple clouds tumbled across the sky at impossible speeds, lightning flashing so close to us that the ground trembled. Humidity and ozone filled the air, wind rising and falling. It had come about in a matter of seconds, and the approaching soldiers halted. The old woman's crazy claim was no longer so crazy in light of that magic. They were all realizing that no matter what their eyes said, the possibility was now very good that Eugenie Markham truly stood before them. And I might be a wartime enemy, one they needed to capture, but I was also Storm King's daughter, and that was not a title taken lightly. They knew what I could do, and it was enough to freeze up years of training. â€Å"Let us pass,† I said. I began slowly moving toward the gate, my three companions following a moment later. â€Å"Let us pass, or I'll let this storm explode in here. It's already on the edge. One breath, and I can let it go.† Thunder and lightning crackled above us, driving home my point. There were small screams from some of the crowd. â€Å"Do you know what that kind of storm will do in an area this small? To all of you?† â€Å"It will kill them,† a voice suddenly said. â€Å"Horribly.† I looked over toward the castle's entrance and saw Katrice herself standing there. Guards hurried to flank her, but she held up a hand to halt them. It had been a long time since I'd seen her. All of our antagonistic contact had been through messenger and letter. She looked like she had at our last meeting, black hair laced with silver and dark eyes that scrutinized everything around her. She was in full regal mode too, in silver-gray satin and a small jeweled tiara. But no †¦ as I studied her, I saw a slight difference. She looked older than the last time we'd been together. Leith's death and this war had taken their toll. I stared her straight in the eye, my adversary, the cause of so much recent grief in my life. I needed no storm around me because one was breaking out within, winds of fury and anger swirling around and around inside me. â€Å"Drop the spell,† I said to Imanuelle, without looking at her. I wanted to be face-to-face with Katrice, and honestly, it wasn't like my identity was a secret anymore. I felt another tingle, and a few gasps told me I wore my own form now. A small, tight smile crossed Katrice's lips. â€Å"Yes,† she continued, â€Å"you could unleash a storm here. You could destroy a large part of this wall, this castle. You could most certainly destroy all these people – which is what you're good at, right? You put on this lofty pose about protecting lives, yet somehow, death always follows you. You leave it in your wake, just as Tirigan did. But at least he had no delusions about what he was doing.† The comparison to my father increased the anger in me. The weather mirrored my reaction, the sky growing darker and the air pressure intensifying. â€Å"Go ahead,† said Katrice. â€Å"Show me your storm.† â€Å"You don't have to kill them,† said Jasmine beside me, voice low. â€Å"Just her.† Was she right? Was that all it would take? I could kill Katrice, no question. One unexpected bolt of lightning, and she'd be gone. If memory served, her magic was similar to Shaya's: a connection and control with plant-life. As a queen, someone with the ability to conquer a land, Katrice possessed that power to levels that dwarfed Shaya's. It was probably why the trees and plants here were so beautiful. It was also probably why we hadn't been attacked yet. This inner courtyard around the castle was cleared land, hard-packed dirt that facilitated travel for guards, merchants, and other visitors. If we'd been outside the walls, I would have likely had a forest marching on me by now. â€Å"You can do that too,† said Katrice, still trying to bait me. I couldn't tell if she was simply attempting to prolong her life or trying to catch me off guard for some other attack. â€Å"Kill me in cold blood. Just like you did my son. It's in your nature.† â€Å"It's not cold blood in wartime,† I growled. â€Å"And your son deserved it. He was a weak, cowardly bastard who had to lie and drug women to get what he wanted.† This made her flinch slightly, but she didn't hesitate to return the arrow. â€Å"But he did get what he wanted. He got you. He couldn't have been that weak.† Those words stung, but before I could respond, a young man slipped into place beside her. His resemblance was so strong to her and Leith that there could be no question of his identity: Cassius, her nephew. The rage within me doubled. Seeing him reminded me of what he'd most likely done to Jasmine. My reason was slipping, replaced by pure fury. â€Å"You should have let this go,† I told Katrice, my voice perfectly level. â€Å"You should have accepted Leith's death as punishment for what he did. An even slate. Lives have been lost because of you. More will be now.† One bolt. One bolt, and she was dead. Hell, I could probably take out Cassius with it too. â€Å"Eugenie,† said Kiyo. â€Å"Don't. Don't do it.† â€Å"What else am I supposed to do?† I breathed, out of the others' earshot. â€Å"I warned you before there would be consequences. Please listen to me this time,† he begged. â€Å"There will be again.† â€Å"What do you expect me to do?† My voice was louder. I didn't care who heard. â€Å"This is wartime. I kill their leader. I win. Otherwise, I let hell loose in here, and these people die. Which do you want, Kiyo? Pick – or else find another way.† He didn't respond, but Katrice's tight smile grew at seeing dissent within my ranks. â€Å"No options but death. You are Tirigan's daughter. I'm glad now that Leith didn't get you with child. His plan seemed wise at first, but it's better my exalted bloodline isn't mingled with yours – though the gods know how much Leith tried. He told me about it. Often. Ah, well. I suppose we'll know soon how Cassius fared †¦Ã¢â‚¬  Her gaze lingered slightly on Jasmine beside me. Imanuelle had dropped all our disguises. â€Å"Eugenie – † Jasmine tried to speak, but I didn't want to listen. â€Å"Are you trying to get yourself killed?† I demanded of Katrice. Each word was harsh, almost impossible to get out. I was changing my mind about the lightning. I was remembering how I'd killed Aeson, literally blowing him apart by ripping the water from his body. There were so many ways to kill her, so many ways to bring about humiliation. Katrice gave a small shrug, and despite that smug attitude, I saw a pang of regret in her eyes. â€Å"I have a feeling I'll die one way or another today. I just want everyone to know the truth about you before I do.† I froze. I'd told Kiyo to give me another option, and he'd had none. But there was one other. â€Å"The truth,† I said slowly, reaching toward my backpack, â€Å"is that you aren't going to die today. But you'll wish you had.† I can only assume what happened next was born out of pure emotion, out of the anger and despair her words about me and Jasmine had evoked. Situational adrenaline probably played a role too, and †¦ well, maybe there was something in my genes after all. I pulled the Iron Crown from my backpack. Katrice turned white, all cockiness gone. Those who recognized the crown displayed similar fear, audible and visible. Others just stared curiously. â€Å"No,† she gasped. â€Å"No. Please don't.† I think until that moment, she hadn't truly believed I had the crown. I also think that had I demanded it, she would've named whatever terms of surrender I wanted. But I didn't want simple surrender. I wanted suffering. I wanted her to suffer, just as I had. So many ways to bring about humiliation †¦ I placed the crown on my head, and somehow – maybe it was part of its magic – I knew exactly what to do. The iron athame was still in my hand, and I crouched down with it. Katrice dropped to her knees too, but it was in supplication. â€Å"Please,† she begged again, tears in her eyes. â€Å"Anything. I'll do anything you want.† â€Å"You're right,† I said. â€Å"You will.† I slammed the blade down – and pierced the land's heart.